The internal divisions within the Iraqi Turkmen Front have erupted into the open, following Kirkuk Deputy Governor Yavuz Hamid’s public alignment with the faction led by Erşat Salihi. Hamid, previously expelled from the Turkmen Front after accepting his government role, appeared prominently at Salihi’s Eid reception, marking a decisive break from the party’s official leadership under Hasan Turan.

Though Salihi has not led a formal split from the Turkmen Front, his faction now operates as a parallel center of power within the party. This internal fragmentation became unmistakably visible during the Eid celebrations, when each faction organized separate gatherings for their supporters—an unprecedented move that underscored the depth of the rift.

Hamid’s appearance beside Salihi was more than symbolic—it signaled the faction’s active engagement in local governance. The political weight of this alignment was further amplified by photographs showing Salihi flanked by both Hamid and Ahmed Ramzi, a Kirkuk Provincial Council member. The image, widely circulated, has come to represent the faction’s multi-tiered presence in Turkmen political representation: Salihi in the Iraqi Parliament, Ramzi on the Provincial Council, and Hamid in Kirkuk’s executive branch.

This development unfolds in the context of the December 2023 local elections, where the Turkmen Front won two of Kirkuk’s sixteen council seats, remaining the only Turkmen party with representation – one of the members is allied with Salihi while the other is allied with Turan. Initially, the party sought to form a governing coalition with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which also secured two seats, and a bloc of Arab representatives. The goal was to reach a nine-seat majority.

However, coalition efforts were hampered by internal splits among the Arab representatives—who collectively hold six seats—and the influential presence of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which also holds six seats independently. Turkey has strongly opposed PUK’s participation in Kirkuk’s administration, accusing the party of cooperating with the PKK.

In response, Ankara has employed a range of pressure tactics, most notably sanctions that have effectively isolated Sulaymaniyah airport. These include a ban on all flights between Sulaimani and Turkey, as well as a prohibition on flights passing through Turkish airspace—a major constraint, given that most international routes from Sulaimani to Europe rely on Turkish air corridors.

Ironically, what began as Turkey’s attempt to sideline the PUK from Kirkuk’s local government to punish it for ties with the PKK has ended up splitting its own Turkmen proxy and further fragmenting Turkmen political ranks.

Despite Turkish objections, a governing coalition ultimately emerged between the PUK and three Arab council members. This alliance was formalized through a signed agreement by PUK leader Bafel Talabani. On the Sunni Arab side, the deal was largely brokered by Mohammed al-Halbousi, who has increasingly distanced himself from KDP leader Masoud Barzani. While Halbousi hails from Anbar, his growing UAE connections contrast with the three KDP-aligned Sunni Arab members, who maintain closer ties to Khamis Khanjar—a figure with longstanding links to Turkey.

A central question emerging from these developments is whether Erşat Salihi’s actions represent a rebellion against Turkish influence. This speculation has been fueled by recent high-profile meetings: Turkmen Front leader Hasan Turan and Rakan al-Jiburi (representing the three Arab opposition members in Kirkuk) met with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, after which Turan promptly traveled to Erbil for discussions with Masoud Barzani.

The leadership contrast between the two Turkmen factions adds another dimension to this political divide. The rivalry is not only about political power but also reflects deeper disagreements over how the Turkmen Front should be run.

Erşat Salihi, who led the party until 2021, is seen as a populist and pragmatic figure—willing to take political risks and engage directly with grassroots constituencies. He embraces a more nationalist approach and has notably attempted to bridge sectarian divides by reaching out to Shia Turkmen communities. He maintains close relationships with several pro-Iran Shia Turkmen militias, advocating that ethnic identity should supersede sectarian differences as the primary binding factor among Turkmen.

In contrast, his successor Hasan Turan, who replaced him following an internal reshuffle among the Front’s six constituent parties, is widely regarded as a more traditional, establishment-minded leader who exercises greater caution and restraint. Turan is characterized as more conservative with a stronger emphasis on the party’s Sunni Islamist identity, but reportedly commands less popularity within the Turkmen Front compared to Salihi. Since Salihi’s ouster, tensions between the two have steadily escalated, with competing visions for leadership and strategy fueling a slow but visible fragmentation within the party.