The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the second-largest political party in the Kurdistan Region, is currently holding its second internal forum, which began yesterday and continues today. The forum is part of a broader effort to reorganize and reshape the party’s internal structure. It takes place at a busy moment, as the PUK is engaged in simultaneous negotiations with the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) over the formation of the next Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) cabinet, while also preparing for Iraq’s upcoming parliamentary elections slated for November.

Context: According to Karwan Geznei, spokesperson for the PUK’s Second Forum, nine provincial conferences have been held with 12,500 members participating, culminating in 70 projects while 2,000 comments and suggestions were submitted to the Forum for discussion. Within the PUK, intense deliberations continue regarding the distribution of government positions allocated to the party. The leadership is simultaneously managing both government position allocations and internal organizational restructuring. Party President Bafel Talabani is working to accommodate senior cadres’ aspirations, directing those seeking government positions to one track and those desiring party positions to another.

Analysis: While Bafel Talabani appears to have consolidated control over the party since removing his cousin Lahur Sheikh Jangi in a bloodless internal coup in 2021, the PUK remains deeply factionalized. Multiple power centers continue to exist, many of which have gone quiet or retreated from the spotlight since that episode.

Several influential leaders have departed due to Bafel Talabani’s consolidation of power, including Barham Salih, the former Iraqi president, and Mala Bakhtiyar, a senior party figure. Barham’s primary motivation for remaining with the party was to retain his position as Iraqi president; he had previously split from the party before Bafel Talabani’s rise to power but returned when promised and nominated for the Iraqi presidency. His involvement with the party was largely tied to that goal, and his marginalization reflects a broader pushback against independent power bases under the current leadership. During the forum, Talabani commented on Barham Salih’s recent meeting with KDP President Masoud Barzani. Although he said he “respects him,” the encounter appeared to cause him some unease.

Mala Bakhtiyar, once a senior ideological figure and former secretary of the PUK Politburo, was also sidelined. His repeated ambitions to secure the Iraqi presidency put him at odds with Barham Salih and contributed to his alienation. He had long expected to be acknowledged as an internal power center, but Bafel Talabani refused to accommodate this, further consolidating his own authority.

Despite the marginalization of some former leaders, Bafel Talabani appears to formally recognize at least three internal factions as part of the ongoing party restructuring. The most prominent is the Kirkuk bloc, considered the most powerful after the central leadership axis formed by Bafel and Qubad Talabani. At least three members of the Politburo are affiliated with this group, and Rafat Abdullah—recently appointed as Deputy Leader of the PUK—is a leading figure from this faction.

Another recognized faction is the House of Kosrat Rasul, the family of the former deputy leader of the PUK. Although Kosrat himself is no longer politically active due to illness, his two sons, Derbaz and Shallaw, both hold seats on the Politburo. Their sphere of influence lies primarily in Erbil and parts of Duhok, where they maintain a legacy power base.

Finally, Jafar Sheikh Mustafa—who currently heads the PUK’s Supreme Interests Protection Council—represents a faction rooted in the party’s old guard and veteran Peshmerga networks. While the Council has existed for some time, its authority is expected to expand under promises made to Sheikh Mustafa as part of persuading him not to seek reappointment as Deputy President of the Kurdistan Region, a position he currently holds. This reflects a broader strategy by the party leadership to co-opt his influence into the evolving internal structure while redirecting his role away from the regional executive.