Masoud Barzani, who turned 79 earlier this month, is the most prominent leader in the Kurdistan Region and the last surviving member of his generation with such influence. Alongside Jalal Talabani, he stands as one of the two most consequential Kurdish leaders since 1992. Despite his political dominance and the immense wealth his family has amassed, little is known about Barzani’s personal life beyond these public aspects.

Born in 1946 in Mahabad, Iranian Kurdistan, during the short-lived Kurdistan Republic, Barzani’s life was shaped by this pivotal moment in Kurdish history. His father, Mustafa Barzani, was among the few officials who survived the republic’s collapse, escaping execution by Iran’s monarchy. This experience likely instilled in Barzani two key principles: a sense of pride in being born under the Kurdistan flag, lending legitimacy to his continuation of the national struggle, and a Machiavellian approach to survival, prioritizing family above all else—a trait inherited from his father’s pragmatic decision to flee rather than face certain death.

The contrast between Mustafa Barzani’s actions and those of other Kurdish leaders during this time is striking. While the republic’s leader, Qazi Mohammed, and many others refused to flee, considering it dishonorable, Mustafa Barzani chose a more pragmatic path. He fled to survive and rebuild his influence, a decision that likely had a profound impact on young Masoud. This early lesson in political survival may explain some of Barzani’s later controversial moves, such as calling on the Iraqi regime in 1996 to help him take over Erbil.

Barzani’s political career demonstrates a remarkable ability to navigate complex geopolitical landscapes. In the 1990s alone, he cooperated with seemingly contradictory allies: Saddam Hussein’s regime, Iran, Turkey, Israel, and the United States. This flexibility highlights Barzani’s strategic thinking. A prime example of this strategy was his controversial decision in 1996 to call on the Iraqi regime for help in taking over Erbil. While critics view this as a black mark on his record, from a realpolitik perspective, it can be seen as a calculated move that ultimately allowed Barzani to take over Erbil and hence most of the Kurdistan Region, outlast Saddam, and even assist in his downfall.

Family dynamics have played a crucial role in Barzani’s life and career. He was one of the younger sons of Mustafa Barzani, born to his favorite wife, Hamayil Zebari. This marriage was a political union designed to mend ties between warring tribes. Hamayil, said to be a sharp and intelligent woman, played a crucial role in shaping Masoud’s worldview and positioning him as his father’s successor.

After the 1991 uprising and the establishment of a no-fly zone that led to the creation of the Kurdistan Region, Barzani’s family returned from Iran, where they had been in exile. The Barzani family was deeply fractured at this time, with many members, including the children of Masoud’s older brothers, turning against Mustafa Barzani over power struggles and differing worldviews. One of Masoud’s early achievements was reconciling these differences and reuniting his family. For example, Sirwan Barzani, a KDP Peshmerga commander and businessman, is the son of Sabir Barzani, Masoud’s older brother, who had been an enemy and lived in Baghdad under Saddam for years.

In the 1990s, the KDP was internally divided, with rival factions, particularly among Erbil-born leaders within the Peshmerga. During the KDP-PUK civil war, Masoud Barzani took decisive action to neutralize these factions, purging their influence and consolidating power within his family. He elevated his nephew Nechirvan Barzani to a leadership position and began grooming his own son, Masrour, who was living in the United States at the time.

Masoud Barzani is known for his tribal loyalty and ruthlessness in protecting his family’s interests. He has made no secret of his tribal identity, once boasting at a KDP congress about his tribe’s strength, emphasizing its male members. “We are 1000 men,” he said. His conservatism extends to his family’s public image, as he does not allow the female members to be seen in public.

Barzani has faced challenges within his family as well, particularly with his sons. For example, he was reportedly angered when his second son, Mansour, had a relationship with an Iranian mistress while married to a Barzani relative. Similarly, he was upset when his youngest son, Mustafa, married a Ukrainian woman, though it’s unclear whether this marriage is still intact.

While Barzani himself is said to lead a relatively modest lifestyle, he is well aware of the billions of dollars controlled by his sons, nephews, and other family members. He likely justifies this wealth as a natural extension of their control over the region.

But in the last few years, Barzani’s political maneuvers have shown their limits. His simultaneous relations with both Iran and Israel seem to be increasingly problematic, particularly for Iran. In local Iraqi politics, he appears to be losing ground to younger rivals, notably Bafel Talabani. Barzani is increasingly outmaneuvered, as evidenced by the local government formations in Kirkuk and Mosul. Even the Kurdistan elections seem to be designed in a way that the KDP no longer has control over. (It’s important to note that this shift doesn’t necessarily indicate a surge in PUK’s popularity, but rather reflects the complex nature of Iraqi politics, where backroom deals and manipulation of electronic voting systems play significant roles.)

Despite his strategic thinking, Barzani has shown an increasingly emotional component in his decision-making as he has aged. The 2017 independence referendum is a prime example, which can be interpreted both as an emotional fulfillment of a long-held dream and as a calculated attempt to cement his legacy, despite the significant risks involved.

Despite his ruthlessness and strategic mindset, Barzani is also known to be very egotistical and to take things personally. However, it’s important to recognize that he has been involved in politics from a very young age, meeting leaders like Iraqi President Abdul Karim Qasim when he was just 12 years old. This lifelong experience has given him an extraordinary ability to navigate the complex geopolitics of both the Kurdish region and the broader Middle East. Under his leadership, the KDP has transformed from a party that was smaller than the PUK in the 1980s to one of the most powerful political forces in the region.