The violent clashes that erupted in Sulaimani last night between PUK forces and supporters of Lahur Sheikh Jangi did not come out of nowhere. They are the culmination of years of power struggles, family rivalries, and institutional decline within the PUK. To understand why the situation spiraled into open fighting, it is necessary to trace the conflict back to the moment the PUK lost its founding leader.

Historical Context: The Vacuum of Power

The roots of this conflict trace back to the death of Jalal Talabani, the longtime PUK president in 2017. His passing created a power vacuum that the party has struggled to fill ever since. Although Kosrat Rasul, as Talabani’s deputy, was designated to serve as acting president, this succession never materialized effectively. Rasul’s poor health and inability to consolidate power left the PUK vulnerable to intense factionalism, with multiple groups competing for control and none recognizing unified leadership.

During this period of instability, Lahur Sheikh Jangi emerged as a significant power broker. As Jalal Talabani’s nephew, he commanded both the PUK’s anti-terror forces and its intelligence apparatus, known as Zaniyari. This dual control over security institutions gave him substantial leverage within the party structure. Meanwhile, Jalal Talabani’s sons, Bafel and Qubad Talabani, found themselves unprepared for leadership roles, as their father had not adequately groomed them as successors.

The Fragile Alliance (2020-2021)

After extensive negotiations and power struggles, Lahur Sheikh Jangi and Bafel Talabani agreed to become co-presidents of the PUK in 2020. This arrangement was fundamentally pragmatic—neither possessed sufficient power to lead alone. Lahur enjoyed greater popularity within PUK ranks and controlled critical security resources, while Bafel, as Jalal Talabani’s son and inheritor of Dabashan (the compound serving as Talabani’s headquarters), wielded significant symbolic and institutional influence.

Initially, this alliance served to consolidate the Talabani family’s control over the PUK and marginalize other factions. However, the partnership quickly devolved into rivalry. Each co-president sought to dominate the other, with their competition reflecting both political ambitions and longstanding family tensions. Lahur’s staunch anti-KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party) stance contrasted sharply with Bafel’s more pragmatic approach to relations with the rival party, further straining their relationship.

The 2021 Coup and Its Aftermath

In 2021, Bafel Talabani executed a bloodless coup that ousted Lahur Sheikh Jangi from power. The operation involved arresting Lahur’s close associates and, through his brother Qubad Talabani (then deputy prime minister), issuing official orders to remove Lahur from his positions in PUK intelligence and anti-terror forces—technically government institutions despite their party affiliations.

Lahur’s downfall was partly self-inflicted. His growing power had alienated the PUK’s old guard, who unified around Bafel primarily out of opposition to Lahur rather than genuine support. The ruthless tactics employed by Lahur and his brothers against opponents had generated significant resentment within party ranks.

Following his expulsion, Lahur attempted various strategies to maintain relevance. The KDP, led by Masroor Barzani, began cooperating with Lahur as leverage against the PUK, particularly after Bafel adopted an increasingly anti-KDP stance that the party viewed as betrayal. This maneuvering included legal battles, with an Erbil court ruling that Lahur remained co-president while Baghdad courts, influenced by pro-Iran factions allied with Bafel, ruled in favor of his expulsion.

Building Independent Power

Recognizing the futility of these efforts, Lahur Sheikh Jangi voluntarily left the PUK and established his own political party, the People’s Front. He also launched Zoom News TV, a satellite channel, and created the Scorpio force—several hundred armed militiamen—to defend his compound. As Lahur himself stated, “If you don’t have force, they’ll eat you alive.”

Initially, Bafel Talabani appeared willing to leave his cousin alone following his exit from the PUK. However, tensions reignited as Lahur reportedly began cooperating with disgruntled former PUK leaders concerned about Bafel’s consolidation of power. Bafel and his associates interpreted these alliances as preparation for a future challenge to his leadership.

The Recent Escalation

The immediate pretext for the current crackdown emerged when Bafel Talabani was visiting the United States approximately three months ago. He claims there were movements within Sulaimani aimed at staging a coup, though no evidence has been presented to support these allegations. Bafel has directly blamed Lahur Sheikh Jangi for orchestrating this alleged plot.

Three days before the attack, during the inauguration ceremony for the new U.S. consul in Erbil, Bafel hinted at his intentions to journalists. He suggested he would “cleanse” Sulaimani of the various political factions whose support bases overlap with the PUK’s, stating: “We will cleanse all these; the situation cannot continue like this.” When specifically discussing Lahur, he ominously remarked: “I wish he would resist the day we go to Lalazar [his residence], and then he will see.”

Bafel appears determined to mirror the KDP’s model of governance—creating a more repressive, politically unified zone where the PUK maintains unchallenged dominance and potential rivals are systematically crushed.

Diplomatic Preparations

A week before the assault, Bafel Talabani visited Baghdad, where sources indicate he met with key foreign diplomats and Iraqi political leaders. He reportedly briefed them on his plans, characterizing Lahur Sheikh Jangi as a persistent security risk who continued plotting against him. The day before the attack, Bafel also met with coalition forces, potentially informing them of the impending operation given that the counter-terrorism and commando forces he deployed work closely with coalition partners in Iraq.

The Military Operation

The assault began with full military force. PUK units including the Counter-Terror forces, Commando brigades, and Asayish operations deployed around Lahur’s residence. Tanks, mortars, and RPGs were used in what amounted to a siege, rather than a routine arrest. Bafel himself was present on the ground and was reportedly seen carrying a weapon. After hours of clashes, Lahur, along with his brothers Polad and Aso, was arrested. Among those detained were Rebwar Hamid Haji Ghali, commander of the Scorpio force; Zhino Muhammad, head of Lahur’s People’s Front party; and roughly 100-200 others. Reports suggest several deaths and dozens of injuries on both sides.

The crackdown is not limited to Lahur. In parallel, PUK forces also arrested Shaswar Abdulwahid, the leader of the New Generation movement, the largest opposition party in the Kurdistan Region. Between Lahur’s new party and New Generation, the two represent about 17 percent of the Kurdistan Parliament’s seats. Their arrest marks a sharp decline in political freedoms in Sulaimani, a city long considered the most pluralistic part of the Kurdistan Region.

Judicial Manipulation

While authorities claim the operation was executed under a court order, evidence suggests the judicial process served merely as a rubber stamp for a predetermined political decision. Bafel had already convened security meetings and decided on the arrests before obtaining legal authorization. This manipulation of the courts represents a significant deterioration in judicial independence in Sulaimani. Historically, courts there maintained at least a facade of greater independence compared to those in KDP-controlled areas, but recent events suggest the situation may now be even worse, with the judiciary serving as a tool for political vendettas.

The fighting in Sulaimani is the culmination of years of unresolved factionalism in the PUK. From the vacuum left by Jalal Talabani’s death, to the failed co-leadership experiment, to Lahur’s ouster and attempted comeback, the cycle has steadily moved toward confrontation. Now, with Bafel Talabani asserting full control and moving to crush rivals, Sulaymaniyah appears to be shifting away from its tradition of political plurality and toward a model more closely resembling the KDP-controlled zones of Erbil and Duhok. Whether this delivers stability or simply entrenches repression remains an open question, but the old pluralism of the PUK’s heartland is fast disappearing.